Why have the outcomes of the work of Germanys Goethe Institute and Chinas Confucius Institute been so contrasting in terms of establishing cultural and social influence - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 8 Words: 2543 Downloads: 8 Date added: 2017/06/26 Category Teaching Essay Type Compare and contrast essay Did you like this example? Introduction The objective of this paper is to explore why the outcomes of the work of the Goethe Institute of Germany and the Confucius Institute of the Peoples Republic of China (PRC) have been so contrasting in terms of establishing cultural and social influence. The paper begins by examining the origins of both institutes and their aims in the context of soft power. Soft power is critically examined as a governmental imperative in a globalised world, and it will be shown how cultural institutes have a role in its formulation and exercise. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Why have the outcomes of the work of Germanys Goethe Institute and Chinas Confucius Institute been so contrasting in terms of establishing cultural and social influence?" essay for you Create order The next section examines the institutes structure and governance, and how these have been crucial determinants of their success. Finally, the findings reported in this paper are drawn together and summarised in the Conclusion. The origins and aims of the Goethe Institute and the Confucius Institute The Goethe Institute was established in 1951 in what was then West Germany, with the aim of rebuilding respect for and the reputation of the German language and culture following the Second World War. It originated primarily as a language-learning organisation, for which purpose it established dedicated reading rooms, but as it developed it expanded its remit to encompass the propagation of German culture and the holding of social events. By 2015, the Goethe Institute had 159 centres worldwide (Goethe Institute, 2015a). The aims of the Confucius Institute are remarkably similar to those of the Goethe Institute, although emergent from contrasting origins. It was established in 2004 with the aim of ameliorating concerns felt around the world outside the PRC about the countrys headlong economic growth and rapidly increasing military power. Like the Goethe Institute, the Confucius Institute aimed to facilitate language learning, but expanded its activities into the cultural and soci al sphere. By 2015, the Confucius Institute operated in more than 480 locations worldwide, using facilities on university campuses (UCLA Confucius Institute, 2015). Both institutes began with difficult yet auspicious origins; both Germany and the PRC had reputations to build from a low base, but both Germany and the PRC are countries with rich cultural heritages capable of attracting significant degrees of interest from people in the outside world. The approach of both institutes, however, is essentially top-down, with a strategy of imparting knowledge about their cultures in their subject locations as something differentiated and separate, rather than attempting what is conventionally regarded to be meaningful cultural influence through immersion and integration (Christians, 1997), calling into question the likely effectiveness of the institutes in achieving their stated aims. Given those aims, it is appropriate to conceptualise them as agencies of government, which is essent ially concerned with the exercise of power (Dowding, 1996). Historically, governments have achieved their aims through hard power; typically the maintenance of armed forces and commercial strength underpinned their diplomacy (Dowding, 1996). Nye (1990) notes, however, that advancing globalisation has increased the financial cost and political consequences of the use of hard power, as exemplified by the PRC, whose military strength and commercial influence have had increasingly negative consequences in terms of international relations and trust. Military and commercial strength are, in themselves, insufficient in assuring international influence in an age where societal opinion matters, and such opinion is instantaneously shared through social media which frequently imports environmental, social and moral considerations (Nye, 2004). In response to the reduced influence of hard power, governments have turned to soft power à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" the use of co-option rather than coercion (Nye, 2004) à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" in order to achieve their strategic aims. An important means of exerting soft power is through the use of culture. However, while a country may possess attractive cultural features, they will not be influential if those features are not widely known or appreciated (Mattern, 2005), and cultural institutes are seen as a means by which such knowledge and appreciation may be established and international trade enhanced. There are drawbacks to this approach; Ferguson (2003) notes that soft power has its contradictions. It is, for example, quite possible for a section of society to be unproblematically using Microsoft software to write anti-US campaign material while drinking Coca Cola in a Macdonalds restaurant. Soft power also has its limitations; Blechman (2004) notes that it cannot be mobilised to achieve specific policy goals, although a core strength of soft power lies it its essential organically democratic nature, in that individuals and groups can influence the policy it sets out to achieve (Van Ham, 2005; Moravcsik, 1997). It is also the case that the attractiveness of a culture is determined not by its purveyor, but rather by its recipients (Fan, 2008). It is, therefore, the case that soft power is not a direct replacement for hard power, although it does have value in forming and legitimising policy, and in establishing the environment in which policy may be pursued. Given that policy is mediated through the essentially top-down phenomenon of government, it is not unreasonable to posit that, counter to Christians (1997) thesis of social influence, the top-down nature of the institutes does not render them unfit for purpose, but they rather have a model of influence that reflects the approach of the state governments that are their ultimate sponsors. The relative success of the Goethe Institute and the Confucius Institute, and the effect of their structure and governance Having established the criteria by which the institutes success may be measured à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" that of the establishment and exercise of state soft power, and what the limitations of that soft power are à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" this section explores how successful the Goethe Institute and the Confucius Institute have been in achieving their aims. There is considerable evidence to support the contention that the Goethe Institute has been generally successful in achieving its aims. The reputation of Germany has been significantly rehabilitated from its low point at the end of the Second World War, and that country is today widely respected and admired. This may be as much to do with, inter alia, the harmless jollity of the Munich Oktoberfest, the international popularity of German Christmas markets and Germanys high-quality industrial products as the effect of the Goethe Institute, although the evidence for the influence of the Goethe Institute is clear in data that shows that peopl e outside Germany who come into contact with the institute hold a higher opinion of Germany than those who do not (The Economist, 2015). It is reasonable to assert, therefore, that the Goethe Institute has achieved the aim of being of some influence in the favourable propagation of German culture. The same cannot be said, however, for the international reputation of the PRC. Comparing the reputation of the PRC to that of Japan (Germanys Far-Eastern equivalent in respect of post-Second World War reputation), it can be seen from the Chicago Council study (2009) that Japan has been successfully rehabilitated and has managed to withstand the concerns ensuing from economic success that the PRC is clearly failing to ameliorate. This contrast in outcomes is difficult to explain, given the similarities in the international interest in the rich cultural heritages of Germany and the PRC. Chinese culture, like that of Germany, has much to offer; Chinese food is popular throughout the world, as are Tai Chi, Sun Tsus The Art of War (in a business context) and Confucian wisdom, yet the PRC is stubbornly perceived to be an economic threat around the world, and a military threat in East Asia (Paradise, 2009) à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" something that the Confucius Institute has apparently failed to counter. Examination of the structure of these institutes offers insight into their contrasting success. A clear indication lies in their developmental histories; since 1951, the Goethe Institute has established 159 centres throughout the world (Goethe Institute, 2015a), while since only 2004 the Confucius Institute has established over 480 (UCLA Confucius Institute, 2015). Such comparatively headlong expansion on the part of the Confucius Institute unfortunately mirrors the rapid economic growth of its home country that causes so much international concern. Also, the name Confucius Institute implicitly suggests the copying of something that worked elsewhere naming the institute afte r the countrys internationally famous philosopher, a strategy that worked for Germany and so (it is thought) ought to work for the PRC. This strategy, however, also mirrors an important aspect of the PRCs economic success à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" the copying of products designed and developed elsewhere that has led to many intellectual property disputes around the world (Gregory, 2003). It thus appears that the structural paradigm of the Confucius Institute may be a contributory factor to its lack of success. Further examination of the governance of these institutes offers insight with respect to their success. The Goethe Institute, while being a government-sponsored institution, is able to raise its own funds and is governed at arms length, a status guaranteed in its constitution (Goethe Institute, 2015b). This arms-length principle ensures that it is not controlled by government, but by a body of independent and trustworthy people who have the aims and interests of the institute, not the government, at heart (Cavaliero, 1986). By being governed in this way, the Goethe Institute is able to assert, transparently, its credentials and the authenticity of its objectives. The Confucius Institute, however, is ultimately administered by and accountable to Kanban, the PRC government body responsible for the teaching of Chinese as a foreign language. This need not necessarily be fatal to the Confucius Institutes international credentials, although significant damage in this respect is evident in that Kanban only sanctions the use of simplified Chinese character writing within the Confucius Institute, which is widely interpreted to be an attempt to limit Taiwanese cultural influence, as within Taiwan writing using traditional Chinese characters is the norm (Ding and Saunders, 2006). It may be possible to rationalise this Chinese written character dilemma on grounds of expediency, as Chinese writing is difficult to master and, if the use of both forms were to be empl oyed, the result would be unnecessarily confusing for students. Clearly the Confucius Institute had to make a decision in this regard, and it is not unreasonable to expect that, as it is an organisation that originates within the PRC, it would select the predominant Chinese character style of that country. Other concerns come into play, however; the Confucius Institute has no independent control over the choice of textbooks and educational materials that it uses in its cultural activities; Kanban has complete control in this regard, leading some host schools and universities to express concern about the Chinese history propagated by the Confucius Institute differing from that taught in regular classes (Patty, 2011). Apologists for the Confucius Institute may find rationalisations for these concerns, but the factors concerning its structure and governance have been sufficient in combination to endow it with the status of a PRC-government overseas stooge. Such concerns have resulte d in the University of Chicago and Pennsylvania State University expelling the Confucius Institute from their campuses (Foster, 2014). The work of the Goethe Institute is not the only cause of Germanys post-war rehabilitation, but its positive influence is determinable, and has been facilitated by its measured growth and arms-length governance. Any positive influence that the Confucius Institute may have had is more difficult to establish; despite its rapid growth, its apparent attempt to reproduce the success of others elsewhere and the negative aspects of its structure and governance appear to act in its detriment. Conclusion This paper has set the limits of what the success of cultural institutes looks like within the context and limitations of soft power. The top-down nature of the institutes has been examined as a possible drawback when set against the immersive qualities that typically lead to meaningful cultural influence; however, this was found to be less of a disadvantage in terms of cultural theory than an honest approach taken by bodies that are essentially agencies of government. This paper set out to examine why the outcomes of the work of the Goethe Institute of Germany and the Confucius Institute of the PRC have been so contrasting in terms of establishing cultural and social influence. It has been established that the Goethe Institute has been successful in its contribution to meeting Germanys soft-power aims, while the Confucius Institute has had indeterminate positive influence and its negative influence has been made clear. The reasons for these contrasting outcomes can be summarise d as follows. The Goethe Institutes growth has been evolutionary whereas the growth of the Confucius Institute has been explosive, mirroring the economic growth of its home country which is in itself a cause of the PRCs reputational difficulties that the institute is ostensibly attempting to ameliorate. Similarly, the Confucius Institutes name appears to represent and attempt to reproduce that which worked elsewhere, mirroring a concerning facet of the PRCs problematic intellectual property issues within its industrial sector. Finally, the Goethe Institute is governed at arms length, whereas the PRC has direct control over the governance of the Confucius Institute, a significant factor in its loss of reputation and fundamental incompatibility with the principles of academic freedom and independence that are so valued by its host universities. Bibliography Blechman, B (2004) Soft power: the means to success in world politics in Political Science Quarterly, 199(4), pp. 680-681 Cavaliero, R. E. (1986) Cultural diplomacy: the diplomacy of influence in Round Table, 298, pp. 139-144 Chicago Council on Global Affairs (2009) Soft Power in Asia: Results of a 2008 Multinational Survey of Public Opinion, Chicago: Chicago Council Christians, C. G. (1997) The ethics of being in a communication context in Christians, C. G. and Traber, M. (eds) Communication Ethics and Universal Values, pp. 3-23, Thousand Oaks: Sage Ding, S. and Saunders, R. A. (2006) Talking up China: an analysis of Chinas rising cultural power and global promotion of the Chinese language in East Asia, 23(2), p. 21 Dowding, K. (1996) Power, Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press The Economist (2015) Sprechen Sie Power? [online] available at https://www.economist.com/news/europe/21663257-once-language-schiller-and-goethe-then-hitler-german-hip-again-sprechen-si e-power, accessed 29th September, 2015 Fan, Y. (2008) Soft power: power of attraction or confusion? in Place Branding and Public Diplomacy, 4(2), pp. 147-158 Ferguson, N. (2003) Think again: power in Foreign Policy, March/April 2003, pp. 18-24 Foster, P. (2014) China soft power set back as US universities shut second Confucius Institute in a week in The Daily Telegraph, 1st October, 2014 Goethe Institute (2015a) Locations [online] available at https://www.goethe.de/en/wwt.html, accessed 29th September, 2015 Goethe Institute (2015b) Organisation [online] available at https://www.goethe.de/en/uun/org.html, accessed 29th September, 2015 Gregory, A. (2003) The impact of Chinas accession to the WTO in Cass, D., Barker, G. and Willims, B. (eds) China and the World Trading System, p. 330, New York: Cambridge University Press Mattern, J. B. (2005) Why soft power isnt so soft: representational force and the sociolinguistic construction of attraction in world politics in Millennium à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" Journal of International Studies, 33(3), pp. 583-414 Moravcsik, A. (1997) Taking preferences seriously: a liberal theory of international politics in International Organisation, 51(4), pp. 513-553 Nye, J. (1990) Bound to Lead: The Changing Nature of American Power, New York: Basic Books Nye, J. (2004) Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics, New York: Public Affairs Paradise, J. F. (2009) China and international harmony: the role of Confucius Institutes in bolstering Beijings soft power in Asian Survey, 49(4), pp. 647-669 Patty, A. (2011) Call to scrap biased Chinese culture classes in The Sydney Morning Herald, 13th July, 2011 UCLA Confucius Institute (2015) Confucius Institutes Worldwide [online] available at https://www.confucius.ucla.edu/about-us/confucius-institutes-worldwide, accessed 29th September, 2015 Van Ham, P. (2005) Power, public diplomacy and the Pax Americana in Melissen, J. (ed) The New Public Diplomacy: Soft Power in International Relations, pp. 47-66, Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan

Immigration And The United States - 970 Words

My current event is on immigration and refugees, and how they are mistreated in our society. Immigrants have been the backbone of what made America great. This country is supposed to be the land of opportunity. For the people that come here it is all that they hear. Wanting a fresh start from whatever country they came from. The NASW (2015) said that â€Å"Immigration has increased rapidly in the 1990s, with more than 13 million people moved to the United States† (p.176). Immigrants and refugees is an issue talked about for so many years. â€Å"In 1965 the Immigration and Nationality Act Amendments provided a sweeping change in immigration law. The national origins system was abolished and a new set of priorities for admitting immigrants was adopted† (NASW, 2015, p. 176). Immigration has been a part of our culture, American society, and policy making for a long time now. It is talked about today even during our Presidential campaign for 2016. The problems with immigrant s and refugees coming to America came to an issue when â€Å"Donald Trump said he would deport all undocumented immigrants in the United States which is an estimated 11 million people† (Saunt, 2015). In this article the Author Claudio Saunt made it his effort to explain this is a horrible idea. Saunt (2015) wrote in his article â€Å"In the past American cities and countries in the Southwest and Midwest tried to expel Mexican-Americans once before in the 1930s, and it was a traumatic result for the families affected.† From whatShow MoreRelatedImmigration And The United States986 Words   |  4 PagesImmigration in the United States continues to increase rapidly year by year. 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The Secret Circle The Hunt Chapter 18 Free Essays

â€Å"Cassie!† Adam screamed. â€Å"Your eyes. You have to stop!† Cassie heard Adam’s cries, but couldn’t register their meaning. We will write a custom essay sample on The Secret Circle: The Hunt Chapter 18 or any similar topic only for you Order Now All she could see was the image of Scarlett in front of her, dead. â€Å"You’re going to kill her!† Adam screamed, just before Cassie could speak the words that would murder her sister. Cassie sputtered, confused, as if Adam had finally shaken her awake from a nightmare. â€Å"It’s Black John. It’s the darkness controlling you,† Adam said. â€Å"This isn’t you, Cassie.† Cassie gazed around the room like she’d never seen it before, and then at Scarlett, who was dying at her feet. Cassie felt her own insides cave in. Her legs went soft, and she felt light-headed. Adam was right. This wasn’t her. She carefully set her father’s Book of Shadows on the table and backed away from it with caution. Then she looked at Adam. â€Å"What have I done?† Some of the color returned to Adam’s face and his shoulders settled. â€Å"Not what you almost did, thank goodness.† He took a deep breath. â€Å"I thought I’d lost you for good.† Cassie ran to Adam and wrapped her arms around him. â€Å"There’s a better way to deal with Scarlett,† he said. â€Å"We’ll figure out what it is together. But you have to untie me first.† Cassie’s first instinct was to use magic to set Adam free, but then she thought better of it. She untied him the old-fashioned way, tugging and untwisting the ropy threads confining him to the chair until he was free. Adam stood up and stretched his legs. He rubbed his sore, rope-burned wrists. â€Å"Where did you learn all those dark spells?† he asked. â€Å"Have you been able to translate that much of the book?† â€Å"No. I don’t know,† Cassie said. â€Å"They just came to me.† â€Å"What do you mean, they just came to you? Like from inside you? Your eyes were as black as marbles.† â€Å"Adam, I don’t know. Can we just focus on Scarlett right now?† Scarlett was still lying motionless on the floor, gray and desiccated. â€Å"Will she be okay?† Adam asked. â€Å"I think so,† Cassie said. â€Å"But I can also do a reversal spell.† Adam considered their options for a minute. â€Å"Before she can move again,† he said, â€Å"there’s another spell I think we should try. It’ll prevent her from ever returning to New Salem. What do you think? Are you up for it?† â€Å"A magical restraining order,† Cassie said. â€Å"That sounds great, but I don’t think our regular magic is strong enough to work on her.† â€Å"It will be.† Adam nodded toward the closet. The Master Tools. Of course. In all the commotion, Cassie had almost forgotten about them. Cassie stepped around Scarlett to open the closet’s folding doors. She rummaged through some junk on the floor and moved around some boxes on a high shelf, and there they were. Just sitting there for the taking. The silver bracelet, the leather garter, and the sparkling diadem. Cassie reached for each one individually. First the bracelet. She fastened it around her upper arm. Its smooth silver felt cool against her skin. Next she secured the soft leather garter on her thigh. Adam came up behind her as she reached for the diadem. He straightened it on her head for her. â€Å"Now that’s more like it,† he said. â€Å"That’s the Cassie I know and love.† Cassie tried to soak up the positive energy from each Tool – to feel like the Cassie Adam knew and loved. She tried her best to smile. â€Å"I feel good,† she said. â€Å"Better.† Then she looked at Scarlett. â€Å"Let’s try the restraining spell.† â€Å"We’ll need a few things first.† Adam hurried around the house, searching for supplies, digging through a few different drawers and cabinets. â€Å"I’ll be right back,† he said, and ran out to the front yard. Cassie had a few moments to think about what she’d just been through. She’d come so close to killing her sister. How could Adam ever look at her the same way? How could she wear the Master Tools now, or ever be worthy of them again? Adam returned from outside, rosy cheeked and with a fistful of dirt. â€Å"Okay,† he said. â€Å"Let’s give this spell a try.† He bent down to Scarlett and guided Cassie’s hand to Scarlett’s forehead. â€Å"You hold her here and concentrate. It’s important that your intentions remain clear, Cassie, can you do that?† â€Å"Yes,† Cassie said easily. But she knew she would really have to try. Scarlett’s forehead was cold and hard; it was almost like touching a corpse. Adam lit a candle and swung it above Scarlett’s body, back and forth from the top of her head, down to the bottoms of her feet. Then he recited the chant. â€Å"I banish you from New Salem, Scarlett, with the power of fire.† Cassie imagined a soothing white light. She pictured it growing brighter and more intense until it had enveloped not only Scarlett but herself and Adam as well. Adam secured the lit candle in a holder upon the floor, just north of Scarlett’s head. Then he scattered the fistful of dirt he’d collected from the front yard onto the floor, encircling Scarlett within it. He said, â€Å"I banish you from New Salem, Scarlett, with the power of earth.† Cassie could smell the loamy trail of dirt and was reminded of the elemental wholesomeness of the earth, the cleanliness of stark terrain. She imagined the white light filling the whole room, and then the entire house from the inside out. Next Adam reached for a cup of water he’d set on the table. He dipped his hand deep into the cup and then sprinkled drops of water, like rain, over Scarlett’s skin. â€Å"I banish you from New Salem, Scarlett, with the power of water,† he said. Finally Adam went to open the front door of the house and a large window on the opposite side, creating a strong cross-breeze in the main room. The rush of air blew out the candle he’d set on the floor. â€Å"I banish you from New Salem, Scarlett, with the power of air,† he said. He placed his hands gently over Cassie’s, joining her in holding Scarlett’s forehead. He closed his eyes and said, â€Å"Fire, earth, water, and air, and the power of the Master Tools, mote it be.† Scarlett stirred and Adam opened his eyes. â€Å"That’s it,† he said. Cassie let her hands drop to her sides. â€Å"Did it work?† â€Å"We’ll find out,† Adam said. â€Å"But after all this, I don’t think she’ll be much of a threat anymore.† Cassie nodded, but she wasn’t so sure. She couldn’t imagine a time when Scarlett would no longer be a menace. Adam picked up Black John’s Book of Shadows and gestured to the door. â€Å"What do you say we get out of here?† Cassie looked Scarlett over one last time and nodded. She went to the front door and put one hand on the knob. With her other hand, she waved her fingers at Scarlett. â€Å"I tollere malum incantatores,† she said, the words of the reversal spell. Scarlett’s color came back and she gasped for breath just as Cassie and Adam stepped outside, slamming the door behind them. How to cite The Secret Circle: The Hunt Chapter 18, Essay examples

Should Players be Regarded as Assets on the Balance Sheet

Question: Memorandum: Should players be regarded as assets on the balance sheet. Answer: Asset Definition and Recognition Criteria The issue of whether players should be regarded on the balance sheet is quite a significant matter for the club. By definition the term asset tends to be a resource that is controlled by the existing entity this is because of the past events from which the future economic benefits will be expected to the flow of the entity. Hence, recognizing players as an asset means that there will be control by the entity thus allowing ease recognition of the financial statements i.e the balance sheet. Hence, recognition of the player would develop a sense that enables the club to determine whether they are benefiting. The recognition of the players also means that the club will be able to measure the objectivity of the players or the dedication a player has to the club. Future Economic Benefits Consider the case of the club winning for three consecutive years, this means that identifying the players as assets comes about with an essential character known as future economic benefits. Therefore, they will be able to analyze their contracts and other agreements with the player, hence enabling the club in determining whether the set out obligations are conditional or unconditional. Hence, there will be ease assessment of the players that keeps them performing well because of the set out obligations. Control Uncertainties arise from situations that fail to have evidence or there are unclear facts. Therefore, the recognition criteria of players as assets would enable the club boards to monitor any uncertainty issue that may be brought by a player. Hence, their recognition in the balance sheet means that Mr. Mind will be able to make a neutral judgment because; he effectively understands facts and circumstances that will be concluded in the final reporting period. Hence, there will be effective decision making because of the comparable manner of the club standard level. Past Events The club has a strong support base and is known for its ability to retain the trophy for three years. This means that the club is still relevant, but by making players part of the asset in the balance sheet makes the club officials monitor the interaction of their players. Therefore, management and players can reconsider the phase of conceptual framework in the future success of the club. Probable Occurrence The probable occurrence of players being recorded in the balance sheet as assets will provide or benefit the club through effective development of guidance on how revenues should be recognized among the players. The club will also be able to adopt proper accounting model which may be significant. Reliable Measurements For an asset to qualify the recognition criteria must possess the necessary cost. Therefore reliability of the players as assets means that the club can have the qualitative characteristics of the players in terms of financial information. There will also be an effective accounting model.